The Armed Forces have finally won a victory of sorts on 4th Sept by going to court and there are lessons to be learn’t. The Supreme Court three Judge Bench courageously decided not to interfere in its earlier decision granting the cumulative benefits and arrears of Rank Pay with effect from 01-01-1986 to all affected officers. However, the 6 % interest component has been admissible on arrears from 01-01-2006 rather than 01-01-1986, because the Government cried ‘foul’ it has no money, which is true for the Armed Forces. Lets hope P Chidambaram does not do some retrospective change.

Sadly the case remained pending for years and was finally argued in marathon four hour arguments by the Solicitor General Nariman Jr who had said he had a solid case appearing for the Government of India (GOI) on technical grounds. The Supreme Court (SC) , decided that there was no infirmity in the order passed on 08 March 2010 which the previous SC had lost but MOD appealed. The welfare of the Armed Forces is a less looked after subject with an IAS secretary warming the chair looking for loop holes only he can plug.

And today news comes Shekhar Agrawal, an IIT product Secretary,Defence Production, Ministry of Defense, Government of India will be looking after additional charge of the Department of Ex-Servicemen, Welfare for three months. He has been screwing up private sector attempts to let Private sector defence companies enter production and has been naturally protecting PSUs. Lets see what is in store as he has his hands full in Defence Production. Welfare can wait.

All this shows there is disconnect between the MOD which should have agreed and fought for Rank Pay when the SC verdict came but it is learnt that that the Services HQ were in favour of getting the verdict implemented , The three services on the basis of a decision taken officially and categorically informed the Solicitor General in writing that the Armed Forces were not in favour of the matter being contested against the affected officers and in fact were in favour of getting the verdict of the SC dated 08 March 2010 implemented. But who listens.

Thereafter, the MOD wrote to the Services HQ asking them to withdraw the communication to the Solicitor General, however to the credit of the Services, the said communication was ultimately not withdrawn. Besides showing utter disregard for the opinion of the services in this matter, this incident also shows as to how the MoD tries to browbeat the services into accepting its views and huge nerve centre connects with UPA Chairperson the PMO drives many of these issues. Unfortunately elements of the JAG Branch also toe the line of the MoD rather than the Services for greener pastures.

This shows the dangers of the workings of the Indian government and political parties and shows the insides of national security too that straddles the philosophical divide between India’s Armed Forces and the leadership and extends to India’s foreign and military policy and hijacks the ability of the military ability to deliver. And as the picture shows China leaps ahead with economy , women power, military and nuclear muscle and intelligence which was what the out going Chinese Defence Minister came to gather with 23 others.
Another debility in India is that which ever Indian government has come to power, it has shown a quest to dominate the military by any means fair or foul and has evaded the appointment of a CDS despite Arun Singh, K Subrahmanyam and now Naresh Chandra committee having recommended. They were no fools.

It is only after examining the factors of corruption in purchases like Bofors, HDW submarines, Tehelka and now the cancelled contracts and the war Room leak case connected with absconding Lt Cdr Shakaran and Abhishek Verma that one realizes how Armed Forces are the losers while bureaucrats politicians get away. The names are known but cash leads abroad are not easy to trace.There have also been failures in wars of 1962, 1965 and Op Pawan , that one can point to ill conceived motives and failures of India’s foreign and military policy.

The Armed Forces are kept at arm’s length from decision making or foreign policy and offered sops like posts of Governor or Ambassador to Naval Chiefs as one hears the post will now go to the retired Naval Chief for good work done. Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat tried to challenge the system and took on the Deference (Sic)Minister Fernandes and Defence Secretary and DRDO Dr Kalam and asked for an audit of the ATV INS Arihant project where he was a spectator member. He got sacked under Art 311 with out rank or pay as powers rest with the Defence Minister to dismiss any inconvenient officer under Art 311 though Justice Shah when introducing the article in the Constitution asked for ‘application of mind’. More recently Gen VK Singh tried to take on the Government but failed and its said he is safe as he holds many interesting conversations his special unit tapped in to, and his daughter is an Army wife and an in house lawyer. Bhagwat was simple sailor and lives down Colaba.

With this SC Rank Case ruling and many scams the question before Indians today and the Armed Forces and educated citizens is how can we have faith that their government will steer well and honestly and keep them safe. India wants to rise but has a charted a strategy for India where bureaucrats in MOD apply yard sticks to keep the Armed Forces subservient. How clueless can Government be about scams under the Minister’s and PM’s nose which has the most intelligent officers in PMO looking after India’s Intelligence agencies which have mushroomed so no one finger can point at any one agency. This is a moot point for national intelligence too.

And brings in a relevant question is “ Do are intelligence agencies deliver or in the cloak of secrecy get away unquestioned”? When one accidentally took over as Director of Naval Intelligence and consulted a British counterpart who dealt with MI-5 and MI-6 (One had to deal with IB and RAW and DOE only then), he said, “Intelligence is like a cow. You have to ‘milk it’ and learn how to milk a cow( Intelligence) first. She does not give milk by itself”. Nor does any intelligence agency as the act of withholding information, is rampant in India.

Today the Indian government presents a view of reactive Indian foreign and military and nuclear policy, as reported by the Atomic Scientists and Mail Today as the Indian military is not in the loop who are to ‘man the bombs’, even if never to be used. And clever people say its ambiguity as is CWG, 2G and now Coalaveri gate.

This luckily for India is in stark contrast to that depicted by corporate India where to most minds the private industry( not the coalgate and 2G and CWG gainers ) is leading India’s rise on the world stage. For years the Indian military was supplied, stocked and supported by the erstwhile Soviet Union but with its fall, now Israel and the US have emerged as India’s suppliers, and till we become some what self sufficient where private industry has to join India will as its now said, “Muddle along well and react only when the chips are down, and the loyal Armed Forces will react after a few days and get their act together”.

But today it’s a day to celebrate our Supreme Court not our MOD or Defence Minister or our PM who promised us pay of our Rank from the ramparts of the .RED FORT on Independence Day when PM announced the Pay Commission of rank not band.. He also ordered a group of secretaries to give a report on OROP on 8th Aug …..but what is an order from one bureaucrat to another unless there is something in it for him or her. The report is still to come. Command and Control of India is in slumbers and Khamooshi( Silence) as PM put very eloquently before he went to Iran for NAM meet, to defend himself in Coalgate is the order of the day.

(Republished from India Defence Update ) Click For “About the Author“

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India’s Oxford educated Maritime Specialist and Ambassador Dr K M Pannikar and Alfred Mahan went forth and are supposed to have predicted in their writings that the destiny of the world will be decided on the waters of the Indian Ocean and if India and China challenge each other in the IOR ( at present they are sparring) and USA manipulates India as a ‘Go Between Power’ which Sunil Khilnani explains as a Bridging Power between China and USA then we can see India will need muscle to look after its interests and study UNCLOS (1982) and not let tensions in the Indian Ocean and South China Sea, and jurisdiction like the killing of two Kerala fishermen ride over sensible moves by India’s External Affairs Ministry and national agencies. States are writing their own UNCLOS.

The major complicating factor in India in maritime affairs is the lack of coordination between the 12 central government agencies, which include seven ministry-level agencies and five law enforcement agencies and maritime states of India that compete with each other for funding and jurisdiction, and are increasingly playing a role in foreign policy and law. Furthermore, state governments like Kerala( fishermen), Tamil Nadu (Kacchitivu) and West Bengal have involved themselves in foreign relations, and have created tensions with neighbouring countries and with activities such as illicit trade and fishing in disputed areas.NON ALIGNMENT 2.0 recommends a Maritime Commission and this author has tabled a paper for a JOINT SECRETARY (Maritime) as an interim measure.

India has no sea border with Pakistan over disagreements on pillars of pre partition Sindh on land, Thalweg priciple and Sir Creek which stands almost settled with joint surveys and with Bangla Desh over Purbashi (aka Talpati New Moore) Island in the Haribanga river estuary and no one is moving things and hope these are being studied jontly by MEA, Law Ministry, Indian Navy, Surveyor General, Coast Guard and concerned states. The jurisdiction of fishing in waters around Kacchitivu which belongs to Sri Lanka also burns.

When India got Independence there was no Bangla Desh and there was a point the British decided in the Bay of Bengal The procedure began back in October 2009, when Bangladesh eventually brought the issue before the International tribunal, having exhausted attempts to reach a bilateral agreement. Bangladesh has now been awarded 111,000 square kilometres of exclusive economic zone waters in the Bay of Bengal, almost the same size of Bangladesh, which includes all resources currently available for exploitation and all resources that may be discovered in the future. The tribunal also awarded Bangladesh a 12-mile territorial sea around St. Martin’s Island, overruling Myanmar’s argument that it should be divided in half. The judgment is final and without appeal, with Bangladesh winning by 21 votes to 1. The biggest advantage for Bangladesh that is likely to stem from this judgment is that it will now be able to utilise the area that had been in dispute for the last 38 years.

But in the absence of any bilateral agreement between the two countries clearly delimiting their maritime boundaries, what factors pushed the governments toward a judicial solution? It was the strong likelihood of newly accessible gas and heightening demand in both countries that eventually motivated Bangladesh and Myanmar to pursue a solution in the international court; the demand for natural gas in Bangladesh is immense, and the country’s power crisis has also emerged as a burning political issue. For Myanmar, demand for gas in the export markets has motivated the government to export more gas in order to gain greater foreign reserves.

Bangladesh has also gained several other important economic benefits from this verdict. First, the government can now start drilling for oil and gas 200 nautical miles out to sea. The discovery of new oil and gas may help the country meet its domestic power demands, and the government could also generate capital by allocating blocks to international companies for further exploration.

Second, it is well known that the Bay of Bengal is full of resources. Bangladesh has failed to utilise these resources due to its territorial dispute with Myanmar over the last 38 years. But Bangladesh will now be able to access different types of fish and mineral resources, which should help strengthen its economy. The government is also expected to find various types of minerals, including cobalt, manganese, copper, nickel and sulfite.

Third, this verdict will help increase the number of skilled workers capable of extracting much-needed resources from the sea. This issue has already been discussed between Bangladesh’s foreign ministry and the education ministry, which have agreed to open oceanography departments at Dhaka and Chittagong Universities.

Fourth, these developments could also help Bangladesh win the maritime dispute with India, which concerns the western side of the Bay of Bengal. India is insisting on the principle of equidistance instead of equality in demarcating the maritime boundary. The verdict on this dispute is expected to be handed down by 2014. India has to study this aspect and soon.

(Republished from India Defence Update ) Click For “About the Author“

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Young Captain 3rd rank Terenov was appointed as Commanding Officer of K-43 in 1983 for a secret project for training of Indian submariners. Terenov asked to be sent to the training Centre at Obininsk with his Russian crew for an inter-patrol refresher course, then to Kamchatka to witness the acceptance of the next Charlie class submarine to get K-43 ready to enable a two year long training programme for Indians at Vladivostok.

Facilities were specially built by the Russians including accommodation for the Indian families at Vtoraya Rechka a suburb of Vladivostok and nearby for the crew at the Bay of Ulysses. Capt 1st Rank Dmitri Sergeivich Kasper Yust was appointed CO of the training centre. Terenov describes how both Governments demonstrated seriousness to deal with the training contract which was finally concluded by GKES(State Committee for Economic Relations under Vice Admiral V A Vlasov and adds, “A good contract is one in which both sides are not fully satisfied”. That is why it worked so well in hindsight.

The book is a ‘no holds barred’ account of the manner in which the nuclear

Under Three Flags – The Saga of the Submarine Cruiser K-43/Chakra

The training programme from 1985, even for experienced Indian submariners who had commanded diesel boats and served in multiple submarines was grueling and the Captains and crew designate which included, ExO’s Cdrs MP Bopaiya, RK Sharma and AK Singh were all taken to sea in batches for over a total 100 days to independently handle the submarine , its reactors, exercise numerous damage control situations and exercise half a dozen missile attacks and fired many torpedoes in the Bays off Vladivostok, with exotic names like Bay of Peter The Great and often secured the submarine to buoys at night for rest. The K-43 had just 70 bunks, but at times carried a crew of 200. In one sortie the submarine was continuously at sea for 13 days. It is the adrenaline that develops in professional submariners that keeps them going in very restricted spaces.

In the final sea work up and inspection and examination by Admiral A A Belousov in April 1986 the Indians came out with flying colours, and are unsung heroes of the Navy and Terenov admits the Indian officers were older than him, more experienced and professionals, but had to be trained to appreciate the swifter reactions required in a nuclear boat and appreciate the high power and speeds the boat can develop when diving and propelling under water. One mistake, and it can mean disaster and admits Russian navy has had many fatal accidents but claims rightly, Russian nuclear submarines may have less comforts than the US counterparts but are very capable and completely safe when handled correctly.

The tale in the book moves on to the final lease contract in July 1987 and commissioning date set in December 1987 at Vladivostok when invitations were issued for the ceremony and plans made for departure, which the Indian crews were eagerly looking forward to. A sudden change of heart by the Russians took place to forbid foreigners on board. The order came from Moscow. The Indian crew was devastated. Captain Terenov suggests it was because of US pressure to deny Indians the nuclear boat. Russia had become close to USA with President Gorbachov beholden to America. After ten days of wait a dejected Captain RN Ganesh took a bottle of whisky to Terenov many years his younger, for counsel. Terenov knowing how Russia works, suggested only if Prime Minister of India personally spoke to President Gorbachov would the impasse be bridged. This happened. PM Rajiv Gandhi was scheduled to visit Moscow two weeks hence and met Gorbachov and all fell in place.

Twenty year old K-43 was commissioned as INS Chakra S-71 on 5th January, 1988 in minus 25* C with minimum fanfare with a lunch by Ambassador T N Kaul and dinner by C-in-C Pacific Fleet Admiral G A Khvatov and soon Chakra sailed for Vishkakapatnam, just like the new Akula Nerpa INS Chakra did in March, 2012. The S-71′s planes were seized with frozen snow which the crew ably cleared and the passage was predominately executed under water to achieve high speeds and an Indian Navy escort met up the boat near the South China Sea and when she surfaced in the Singapore Straits passage she was tailed and photographed and reported in Jane’s Defence weekly.

Chakra operated for three years on both Indian coasts with a couple of 63km range Amethyst (SS-N-7 NATO Code name Starbright ) missile firings, CASEXES (Ship cum Aircraft and Submarine exercises) and torpedo firings, in company of the fleet which are described with accompanying photos. Terenov describes how Commanding Officer INS Viraat Capt Viond Pasricha choppered on to the submarine to witness a missile launch. Yet, visits to the submarine by Indian naval personnel were kept restricted. This author was the Director of Naval Intelligence and was involved in the passage and arrival of the Chakra but was not privy to the many laudable operational details Captain Terenov has written about and about the men who manned and maintained the Chakra and what they achieved. Its all revealing in the book with vivid details and very laudable comments on the quality of the Indian submariners, their families and Indian Navy that Terenov and his team learnt to love and respect.

A look at ourselves by an outsider which Terenov attempts is engrossing and eye opening, especially with regard to social aspects of Indians and Indian sights are very well described, with anecdotes. If an Indian author had written this book with the operational details divulged he was liable to be prosecuted under the draconian Official Secrets Act 1923, an antiquated act held over from British days of colonisation. The act clearly states has a wide clause that any action which involves helping an enemy state against India is punishable.

No Indian person has related the operational role, accidents, challenges and achievements and aspects of INS Chakra or many ships including the qualities of berthing at what is now the Ship Building Centre (SBC) where INS Arihant was constructed and the new INS Chakra was inducted at Vishakapatnam which Terenov describes. There is a tall security wall, a navigation repair shop, three storey decontamination and radio active safety service building and many facilities for power generation. high pressure air and chilled water for air conditioning and accommodation and other facilities for nuclear submarines. Terenov describes the restricted base at Vishakapatnam as he saw it, as ‘as good as any in Russia’.

The Indian secrets act, states that no one cannot approach, inspect, or even pass over a prohibited government site or area. The disclosure of vivid information of the base in this book with satellite capabilities now freely available, makes it abundantly clear it is unlikely to affect the sovereignty and integrity of India, or the security of India or friendly relations with foreign States, which is punishable by this act. The reading of this book may goad the Government to amend the act which Gen K Sundarji tried in 1987 over the fiasco between the Army and RAW over Pakistani army movements during Brasstacks, but his move was opposed by the powerful lobbies of India’s intelligence agencies.

The book describes how on 3rd February, 1988 PM Rajiv Gandhi received and embarked the Chakra off Vishakapatnam and the submarine dived while the PM had lunch with the officers and the Coxswain with pull burger moustaches . This Senior Executive Sailor receives accolades, for his handling of operations and the crew. Whilst in Indian waters the Russians put many officers and sailors through the paces of nuclear safety and high professionalism which is required of a nuclear submariner and the Chakra was freely exploited for 72,000 nautical miles (133,000km), and the reactor was active for 430 days with five missile and 42 torpedo firings executed under Indian command with Russian supervision on board for safety.

An accident and fire on board the vessel in 1989 when Chakra dived on its own from 40 feet to 200 feet was contained by joint heroic action, and the fire put off and there was no radioactive leakage to the submarine or the environment, and the submarine returned to base on its own possibly diesel power as the reactor must have been scrammed.

Repairs supported by the Russian safety crew and naval dockyard and representatives of the Afrikantov design bureau took three months to complete and is a moving naval story of joint dedication by the Russians and Indians involved.

The efforts of Russians, on board Chakra operationally contributed to the work up of surface warships and MR aircraft which paid dividends later when Indian Navy operated with US and French nuclear submarines, and went forth with the construction of INS Arihant at SBC and smoothly inducted the new INS Chakra under Indian command and control at Vishakpatnam’s SBC on 4th April, 2012 by Defence Minister A K Antony. India owes a lot to Russia and as Ambassador Alexander Kadakin stated at the new INS Chakra’s induction “No other country would have shared nuclear submarines and that is how strong India Russia relations are ” Terenov who was at the induction of the new INS Chakra at Vishakapatnam with his wife as a special invitee had this to say, “Even at that time we were amazed at the sharp contrast between the discipline and conduct of the Indians and that of our own submariners, particularly ashore in the 6th Submarine Squadron. We were struck by their immaculate uniforms, their marching in neat squads, their practice of acknowledging orders and reporting compliance, and their respect for their seniors”.

During the third and final year of the lease (1990), India requested an extension, but the Soviet leadership refused. The submarine returned to Vladivostok in January 1991, under the command of Captain R K Sharma currently in the National Security Council Secretariat from where it was taken and put into service with the Pacific Fleet before decommissioning. This author witnessed the ‘black beast’ cross the Singapore Straits escorted by an OPV and all intelligence agencies including Jane’s keenly photographed the submarine like they did when she came the other way in 1988.

Praising Terenov whose pet name was ‘Sasha’ Vice Admiral A K Singh who was trained by Terenov has this to say “I saw Sasha at action at sea in a closed nuclear submarine environment for weeks at a stretch, and must place on record that he was truly very professional- I would hate to be a target, if Sasha was carrying out a missile or torpedo attack against me” !!.

This book, is indeed a ‘must read’ for all professional submariners and military personnel. The accompanying excerpts, give a glimpse of a bygone era, of a fantastic period of interaction between the Indian and Soviet Navies, which continues with the induction of the new Akula INS Chakra and the carrier INS Vikrmaditya with MiG-29K fighters and KA-31 AEW helicopters in 2013 which will see the Indian Navy transform in to a ‘True Blue Water Navy’. The lease of the Chakra 1 and now Chakra 11 are landmarks in international naval cooperation and stand out as a major milestone in the development of the Indian Navy. The successful operation of the Chakra by the Indian Navy demonstrated the professional and technical skills of its sailors and officers.

(Republished from India Defence Update ) Click For “About the Author“

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Kachchativu was used by the British for naval gunnery exercises is an island that lies about 15 miles North-East of Rameshwaran and approximately 14 miles South-West of Delft Islands. There are no permanent inhabitants or any permanent structures on the Island other than a Roman Catholic St Antony’s Church, administered by the Bishop of Jaffna as part of his Diocese. The island is rich in the surrounding seabed around Kachchativu with prawns, chank shells, pearl oysters and corals, and the prospect of oil and gas in the region. Governments of Sri Lanka have always maintained a consistent policy founded on historical facts on the ownership of Kachchativu.

There are three clauses of the 1974 agreement which are vague and redundant today.

Article 4 of the Agreement stipulates that each State shall have sovereignty and exclusive jurisdiction and control over the waters, the Islands, the Continental Shelf and the sub soil on its side of the Maritime boundary in the Palk Strait and Palk Bay and Kachchativu Island was determined as falling within Sri Lankan waters.

Article 5 of the 1974 Agreement is confusing with Catch 22 clause as it provides that “Subject to the foregoing, Indian fishermen and pilgrims will enjoy access to visit Kachchativu as hitherto, and will not be required by Sri Lanka to obtain travel documents or visas for these purposes.”

Article 6 of the Agreement states that , “ The vessels of India and Sri Lank will enjoy in each other’s waters such rights as they have traditionally enjoyed therein.”

A public interest litigation (PIL) was filed by B. Stalin, through his counsel W. Peter Rameshkumar in the Madras High Court Bench seeking a direction to the Centre for scrapping the 1974 Indo-Sri Lankan accord on Kachchathivu island and approach the International Court of Justice claiming damages from Sri Lankan Navy for killing hundreds of Indian fishermen on charges of fishing beyond the maritime border.

Another controversial issue is the Seethusamudram channel’s passing close to Sri Lanka without its concurrence which they claim may cause ecological damages on their side of the border. The issue is dormant now as even Indian Hindu fundamentalists want a new alignment and more than Rs 500 crores spent in planning and dredging has been lost by investors including SCI, and possibly the gains made by DMK which had Shipping Ministers at the centre in our traditional coalition politics not to audit accounts.

It is time India and Sri Lanka sat down and sorted out the confusion of where to train Sri Lankan military, clear the state of Kachachativu where Indians have visitation rights on St Antony day and many throng to Kachitivu for a religious outing and fishermen goaded by Tamil Nadu politics stray across the border and keep Indian Coast Guard and Navy in patrol, in a state not knowing what to do.

(Adapted from India Defence Update ) Click For “About the Author“

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South China UNCLOS Lines

Former CNS Arun Prakash and a member of the NSAB and Naresh Chandra committee in ‘the know of things’, wrote a lead article that India did not have the naval military capability to support the PM’s claim if China intervened militarily. The Armed Forces are not permitted to comment on national security or nuclear affairs, and while in service Admiral Sureesh Mehta too had stated China’s navy was getting formidable. Both admirals stands seem vindicated. The South China Sea matter is a China-ASEAN matter. Neither has ASEAN or Viet Nam publically objected to the Chinese notice to lease vacated block 128.

It needs noting ASEAN members in 2002 had agreed on draft guidelines for implementing the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea (DOC) but issued it in July 2011. In 2002, China’s moves were not so strident and its economy and naval strength to operate in the area was limited. A decade later, China has a dozen hospital ships, 19 large warships, an auxiliary marine force and an aircraft carrier Shang Li (Variag) for deployment. The rider in the 2011 DOC reads the ‘Parties to the DOC will continue to promote dialogue and consultations in accordance with the spirit of the DOC’, and adds, ‘Progress of the implementation of the agreed activities and projects under the DOC shall be reported annually to the ASEAN-China Ministerial Meeting’.

In end July 2012 the ten members of ASEAN met in Phnom Phem in Cambodia but were unable to issue a joint communiqué on the South China Sea. Differences arose with Cambodia’s unwillingness to embarrass Beijing, despite skirmishes between the Chinese PLA(Navy) and Philippines Navy and the stationing of the Xisha maritime garrison troops with structures on un inhabited islands. The Chinese navy’s Hainan based Nanhai Fleet is responsible for maritime defence in the South China Sea, as Deng had planned and ordered in the 1980s, seeing the future.

That the ASEAN leaders were unable to issue any statement, shows that China has dented ASEAn’s resolve to take up the matter jointly. It is now left to USA, to make statements asking for unhindered navigation in the South China Sea as per UNCLOS. Rightly, India does so too. Thus far China has never acted to stop innocent passage of any ship, but has objected to USN survey ships snooping and military exercises in the area, and may soon ask warships to indicate when transiting the area which would be its semi legitimate right. India too, in its Piracy bill under discussion in Parliament proposed to extend some of its rights to India’s territorial limits to 200 miles EEZ. Indian Navy regularly exercises deep in to the South China sea with Singapore Navy in SIMBEX and is looking at basing at the Nha Trang base in Viet Nam. PLA(N) is seeking havens in the Indian Ocean region.

China’s actions overall have raised the bar of a renewed ‘China threat’ in the East and Philippines has rejuvenated its defence ties with US to return to Subic Bay, which will need bases for its ‘Pivot in the East’ as Pentagon sketches plans to base 60% of US naval forces in the East. US already uses facilities in Australia for marines, the deep water Changi naval base in Singapore for aircraft carriers plus, and looks to Cam Ranh bay in Viet Nam to string China with forces in the area. China on its part, has stated it is willing to enter into discussions with ASEAN states individually as a gambit to cut out any US (sic Hillary Clinton) involvement in the South China Sea issues. The storm over disputes in the South China Sea seems to have cooled for the present, but darker clouds still hover over the dispute as a flash point. India with a non aligned stance stands interested but on the fence, as it should for the present, and not get drawn in to become strident in South China sea, till freedom of the seas is not denied.

(Reproduced from India Defence Update ) Click For “About the Author“

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However, this is the first operational mission for the aircraft carrier Charles De Gaulle after a major maintenance period last year when the carrier licked many problems according to Rear-admiral Jean-Louis Kérignard who was with RADM RK Patnaik the soon out going Flag Officer Commanding Western Fleet in a joint press conference affirmed to IDU France’s strong determination and commitment to peace and stability in Afghanistan. Through this deployment, France an IOR riparian state also aims at stabilizing this strategic area. He said “Being committed to the proper level of engagement, our military presence will support local partners to maintain security and safety. As far as the CSG is concerned, we are operating as a bordering nation of the Indian Ocean in the framework of a projection and intervention mission. Agapanthe is a mission of support to peace keeping operations, fight against terrorism, fight against piracy at sea (European Union operation Atalanta) and support to coalition operation in Afghanistan. One important part of Agapanthe is the bilateral cooperation with the neighbouring countries. Exercise Varuna together with the Indian Navy, Big Fox with the United Arab Emirates and White Shark with Saudi Arabia”.

TF 473 is composed of the aircraft carrier Charles De Gaulle including 21 fighters (9 Rafale and 12 Super Etendars SEM) and 2 airborne early warning aircraft (E2C Hawkeye), two destroyers : Tourville and Forbin, the supply ship Meuse and the nuclear powered submarine Améthyste.

Agapanthe 2010-11

Exercise Varuna is a major part of the Agapanthe 2010 deployment. This is an Indian-French naval exercise designed to enforce interoperability of staffs and units under both nation’s command structures.Exercise Varuna took place off Goa from January 11 to January 14. This large bilateral exercise involved 9 ships, including two aircraft carriers: INS Viraat (with Sea Harrier and Seakings) and FS Charles De Gaulle (strike group composed of E2C, Rafale and SEM).

The 7 other units are the following were: INS Godavari, INS Ganga, HDW submarine INS Shalki, FS Forbin, FS Tourville, FS Meuse and nulear submarine Améthyste. Shorebased maritime patrol aircraft also participated in the exercise but MiG-29Ks overcoming teething problems and four working up after acceptance did not take part.

Exercise Varuna had a harbour phase in Mormugao (7-10 January), followed by a phase at sea (11-14 January). The phase off Goa included many air operations, submarine exercises, surface exercises as well as replenishment at sea from Muese and both navies have arrangements to take fuel on credit from each other.

The Indian-French summit joint declaration is dated 2010 and President Sarkozy’s visit highlighted France’s and India’s decision to reaffirm their common interest in continuing to strengthen their nuclear and defence relationship, which is an important pillar of their Strategic Partnership and reflects their common determination to work for global peace and security. India is a buyer of French defence hardware and the $ 4.5 bill Scorpene deal is on going and the IAF is set to award a $ 2 bill deal to up grade the Mirage 2000 to Mk V. French helicopters are also on the cards as an earlier contract was not signed.

The Indian-French defence cooperation is long lasting and remarkable. France has helped India when US had placed sanctions. The two States have agreed to continue and intensify their cooperation on counter piracy and maritime security. The two states welcome the ongoing exercises between their Navies (Varuna) and Air Forces (Garuda) and have confirmed their interest towards extension of their cooperation through exercises between the two Armies. Joint exercises at sea are part of this close relationship. Usually, the annual exercise Varuna is held off India. In 2009, France has invited the Indian Navy to hold the naval exercise off the French coast in the Atlantic Ocean.

The French ships were open and one could see all aspects of the Carrier Operations and it was evident the French were impressing the Indian Naval Officers who visited and exercised that the Indian Navy should consider the Charles De Gaulle reactor, arrestor gear and systems to operate the Rafale from the reported IN 60,000 ton carrier on the drawing boards in Naval Design Bureau.

Exercise Varuna 2011

Carrier strike group:
The French carrier strike group (CSG, currently operating as Task Force 473) is composed of the aircraft carrier Charles De Gaulle and its embarked aircraft (21 fighters: 9 Rafale and 12 SEM and 2 Airborne Early Warning aircraft), two destroyers: Tourville and Forbin, the support ship Meuse and the nuclear powered submarine Améthyste. 7 helicopters are also part of the force. Rear-admiral Jean-Louis Kérignard is the commander of the TF473.

Aircraft carrier:
Aircraft carrier Charles De Gaulle can carry up to 40 aircraft and conduct a hundred air missions per day. Her main missions are: operations against naval forces at sea, air space management on the theatre of operations, support of ground operations and striking targets ashore. The aircraft carrier Charles De Gaulle gives the Strike Group the capability to fulfil five operational functions: deterrence, prevention, protection, intervention,knowledge and anticipation. The crew is 1 900 sailors, including the air wing (700). Captain Jean-Philippe Rolland is the Commanding Officer of FS Charles De Gaulle.

Destroyers:
Destroyers are the main actors of a long range acting navy. They contribute to the mastery of air and sea. The destroyers grant freedom of action at sea or from the seas. One of the destroyers’ missions is carrier escort. The destroyers are designed and equipped in accordance with the external threats they may face.

- Anti Submarine Warfare Destroyers (ASW), such as Tourville, protect the CSG against submarine threats. Forbin is part of the recent Italian-French “Horizon” programme, which makes the ship one of the most advanced air defence unit. The crew is 193 sailors. Captain Jean-Mathieu Rey is the commanding officer of FS Forbin.

TASK FORCE 473 UNITS

Support ship:
Support ships, such as Meuse, are designed to enable the permanent posture of the CSG units at sea, whatever the distance of the home port. Their main objective is to sustain the various units in accordance with their requirements:
ammunition, fuel, food, water, health and technical support, even garbage disposal. The crew is 160 sailors. Commander Bertrand Hudault is the Commanding Officer of FS Meuse.

Submarine:
Nuclear powered submarines, such as Améthyste, are in charge of essential missions of prevention, projection and protection. They are capable of long-range and long duration deployments and can gather intelligence. They can react to surface or submarine threats. The crew is 68 sailors. Commander Patrice Stephan is the Commanding Officer of FS Améthyste.

(Reproduced from India Defence Update ) Click For “About the Author“

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“Go ahead”, Indira replied, “ Are you frightened ?,” she asked. “I am not. I am only telling you there is no going back now. That is all,” Homi answered in his no nonsense manner, that he was known for..

Homi Sethna a nuclear legend of India, was educated as a chemical engineer in Ann Arbour Michigan and took over in times when Dr Homi Bhabha and Dr Vikram Sarabhai had passed away and left a void. Earlier in his career, he was responsible for setting up of the thorium extraction plant at Alwaye in Kerala for separation of rare earth from Monazite sands, and came in to contact with naval officers in Cochin, including then Commodore SG Karmarkar Commodore in Charge Cochin (COMCHIN). Later Sethna set up the plant for the production of nuclear grade uranium metal at Trombay, and also set up the Plutonium Reprocessing Plant (PRP) there itself in 1959. India Strategic is proud to recount Dr Sethna’s support to the Indian Navy and what is now Indian Navy’s ambitions to build and operate nuclear submarines. The story of Indian Navy’s quest for nuclear submarines needs recounting.

NUCLEAR SUBMARINES ARE INESCAPABLE FOR NUCLEAR DETERRENCE

The Indian Navy has always looked ahead, and its ambitious horizons have always included plans to acquire, build and operate nuclear submarines. Sethna supported that, and it is essential to appreciate why India needs expensive home built nuclear submarines like the 6,500 ton INS Arihant (ATV) which is being readied for sea trials and deep diving trials at the Ship Building Center(SBC) at Vishakapatnam. The DRDO-Navy project is being directed by Director General ATV Vice Admiral DSP Verma, a former Chief of Material of the Indian Navy, from the offices of Akshanka( means Hope) in New Delhi, under the control of a board in PMO with the Prime Minister as its head. Another large classified establishment under Akshanka, the Directorate of Marine Engineering Technology (DMET) at Hyderabad has pioneered and tested all engineering equipment inducted from Indian industry for the INS Arihant, and continues to seek suppliers for sea going machinery that goes in to a submarine but its activities are classified, despite all suppliers having all the details. It’s a dichotomy.

A large 8,500 ton nuclear Akula class submarine of Project 971, the Nerpa is also being taken on lease from Russia for training and the Indian crew is likely to commission the boat later this year, if all is equal. The boat had suffered a fire and explosion and the damage has been repaired at Vladivostok. The nuclear submarines are planned to augment the Navy’s long grey line of 32 warships and 6 diesel propelled Scorpene submarines including two aircraft carriers that are under construction, and on order in India and abroad. A nuclear boat with its organic under water launched nuclear missiles, is stealth at its best and is the most proven form of deterrence against another nuclear armed adversary. India has two nuclear neighbors.

The world’s five nuclear weapon NPT states USA, Russia, France, UK and China, continue to maintain and design nuclear submarines capable of launching nuclear tipped missiles besides, air and land launched nuclear missiles. UK and France have admittedly reduced their land and air launched nuclear assets, but they are on course to build newer nuclear submarines despite the burden on their defence budgets, that this class of nuclear boats impose. A nuclear submarine costs around $2 bill a piece, is expensive to maintain, but it is an essential and vital strategic asset of a nation.

India has yet to achieve a credible ‘Triad’ deterrence capability to protect its national interests which includes its growing economy slated to grow faster in the coming decades. The Chinese PLA Navy has been pursuing a vigorous programme to build up its Han, Xia(093), 094 and 095 class of nuclear submarines which can launch short range missiles from SSNs, and long range 5000km ICBMs like the JL-1 derived from the DF-31 from SSBMs, and if India is to join the big league which is now on the cards, then it has little option but to have a line of SSN and SSBM nuclear submarines to ensure deterrence, akin to insurance against nuclear states. One however hopes, the use of nuclear weapons is never resorted to.

Politicians, the public at large and even business leaders in India have to appreciate that if you do not have security, then you will have no governance or business in a growing economy. National security is a national pre-requisite, and this is what late Dr HN Sethna who when he was working as Director of Bhabha Atomic Research Center Bombay in the 1960s producing weapon grade plutonium(P-239) from waste from nuclear reactors, always emphasized in conversations with naval officers in Bombay. His education in USA had fired his imagination on security and nuclear issues. He often visited the USO club’s golf course which was close to the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research(TIFR) in Colaba. TIFR was constructed on naval land adjacent to Navy Nagar, and a number of ‘hush hush research projects’ were conducted there and a few technical naval officers took short courses at TIFR.

Rear Admiral SG Karmarkar, the first Indian officer who had commanded British officers on INS Kistna had by then become Flag Officer Bombay(1963-65). Dr Sethna was known to him from his Cochin days and hosted him at Northbrooke House next to the Atomic Energy Commission Office in the Old Yacht Club premises at Apollo Bunder near the Taj Mahal Hotel. Sethna took the Admiral to visits to Tarapur Nuclear Power project and BARC, and this writer as Flag Lt accompanied the Admiral on one visit to Tarapur when a reactor was being commissioned. Dr Sethna who had served under Dr Homi Bhabha is acknowledged is as being the prime architect of India’s nuclear weapons programme with Dr Raja Ramanna. They both successfully demonstrated capability to build indegenious nuclear bombs in May 1974 and ‘Smiling Buddha’ took under his stewardship when he was the Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission, but he was a modest person and never hogged the lime light and diligently pursued his tasks and interests.

NUCLEAR PROPULSION AND WARFARE

Many naval officers recall Sethna tell young naval officers in Mumbai to dream of nuclear propulsion. He did this in times when officially Indian Armed Forces were not taught offensive nuclear doctrines. Nuclear and nuclear warfare in India’s context was not in India’s toxilogy or lexicon as a subject in Indian staff colleges, but it is less known that all major Indian Naval ships have always been fitted to fight through and defend themselves against a nuclear explosion. All major naval ships have ‘citadel capability’ to button up the ship and re-circulate internal air and generate oxygen like a submarine does. Every major warship can pre- wet the whole ship structure to cleanse nuclear fallout. A warship’s raison d’etre is “To Float, To Move, To Fight’ even thorough a nuclear explosion at sea.

Every IN navigator is taught to steer the ship away from the centre of a nuclear bomb explosion at sea. The Fleet regularly exercises nuclear explosion drill and ships are required to calculate a moving geographic position called ‘Roaming Romeo’(the centre of explosion and fallout) depending on the direction of the wind, and steer a safe course to evade the nuclear fallout at high speed, with the ship’s company sealed breathing circulated and re-oxidised air.

Nuclear warfare drill has been taught to every naval officer since the 50s, and officials from Bharat Atomic Energy Centre(BARC) at Mumbai where India’s plutonium nuclear bombs(cores) are currently stored, regularly gave lectures on board ships on how to check radiation levels, apply radiation cleansing techniques and calibrate the naval ships fixed and portable electromagnetic Rontogen X-radiation meters. Nuclear bomb effects and methods of delivery is bread and butter to the youngest of Indian naval officer at sea, as it forms a part of the inspection routine by the Fleet Commander. It is a legacy of the British ships Indian Navy acquired after partition.

It is to Dr Sethna’s credit that he as AEC Chairman he opened the secret portals of India’s nuclear establishment BARC in 1976 which was under Dr Raja Ramanna then and accepted a team of four naval officers led by then Capts PN Agarwala and Bharat Bhusan both very bright engineer officers trained at the Royal Naval Engineering College at Manaden Plymouth, to form a Diesel Propulsion Research Team(DPRT) at BARC. DPRT was a subterfuge for designing a nuclear propulsion plant. Cdrs Gurmit Singh and Cdr BK Subbarao were also in the team, and in later years Subbarao designed a submarine nuclear power plant but crossed swords with Dr Raja Ramanna. Bhusan later headed the Advanced Technology Vessel (ATV) nuclear project and subsequently many naval officers were trained in nuclear engineering at BARC and transferred to the the DRDO-Navy classified ATV project, which fructified in the launching of INS Arihant by PM’s wife Mrs Gursharan Kaur on 22nd August,2009 at Vishakapatnam.

INS Arihant a 7,000 ton medium sized nuclear propulsion technology demonstrator submarine and is being readied to go to sea and will be fitted with the 700km Sagarika K-15 solid fuel nuclear tipped missile, and it will possess India’s first underwater launched deterrent, if all is equal. India already has air and land launched nuclear arsenals, and two of Navy’s four off shore patrol vessels (OPVs) INS Subhadra and Suvarna can launch one 350km liquid fuelled nuclear tipped Dhanush missile each. These launch platforms operate on surface and can be located from visual and radar observations and from satellites and are vulnerable.

ADMIRAL SERGIE GORSHKOV SUPPORTED LEASE OF INS CHAKRA

It needs recall that at a nuclear session at India International Center three years ago, when India’s nuclear deal was being pursued with USA, the speakers included India’s doyen nuclear analyst K Subrahmanyam, Raja Mohan of the Indian Express and others. Former PM I K Gujral shared an anecdote which holds relevance for the Indian Navy’s plans and ambitions to possess nuclear submarines with under water launched long range missiles. IK Gujral unveiled how in 1979 when he was Ambassador in Russia and C Subramaniam and K Subrahmanyam were the Defence Minister and Defence Secretary (Production) respectively in MOD, he was tasked to meet Admiral Sergei Gorshkov and seek help and guidance on India’s quest for nuclear submarines, which were prompted by the Indian Navy, and supported by Dr Raja Ramanna. Admiral of the Fleet Sergei Gorshkov known to be a supporter of the Indian Navy and officially acknowledged as the ‘Benefactor of the modern Indian Navy’ was one of the finest naval minds of the last century. When Shri Gujral met him he made him look at the chart/map of the Indian Ocean and went on to explain to Gujral how India was hemmed in by the Straits on both sides and said China has nuclear submarines and so India must also have nuclear submarines. That was the time when relations between Russia and China had soured. That led to the birth of the ATV and later the lease of INS Chakra.

From 1983 under the guidance of late Dr Raja Ramanna who worked under Dr HN Sethna , the ATV project took off and a former roommate of Dr Raja Rammana, Vice Admiral M K Roy, when they were living together in digs in London was made the first DG. The rest is history, and INS Chakra was given by Russia on lease to the Indian Navy from 1987 to 1991 despite rumblings in the West, and the IN cut its teeth in nuclear submarine operations and handling with the full support of BARC which opened its portals and a large number of naval officers hold M(Tech) degrees in nuclear engineering from BARC. The nuclear reactor in INS Chakra was maintained by Russians on board and all activities kept secret, including those of the ATV even from other service chiefs, and senior officers of the Indian Navy.

It was only six years ago that then Defence Ministers of India Pranab Mukherjee and Sergei Ivanov of Russia, jointly acknowledged the ATV project in pubic in Moscow for the first time and wowed to complete it. India also secretly clinched the deal to take Akula nulcear submarines on lease on the lines of the INS Chakra, but with full control. Many feel Russia readily agreed, as the funding for rejuvenating the Akulas, Nerpa and Jaguar came through the advances for the 1000X 2 Kundankulam nuclear power projects, and they needed the business. A few thousand of crores has also been spent on INS Arihant which has Russian assistance and equipment makes it the next most expensive DRDO project along with the LCA. Possibly the most expensive.

NUCLEAR SUBMARINES AND DIESEL SUBMARINES A COMPARISION

A nuclear Submarine force is the right option for countries with large oceans to patrol and though this issue has never been debated in India, it must be stated that nuclear submarines are very expensive technological toys. The cost of buying or building nuclear submarines is approximately 50 % to 75% higher per unit than diesel- electric powered boats but has greater capabilities. Nuke boats cruise three times faster , have a greater sustained speed underwater, and an unlimited range. For this reason larger number of diesel units are required for the same duty. Higher speeds by diesel propelled boats for very short period deplete their underwater batteries in few hours, and without resorting to recharge they then become incapable and vulnerable to the point of helplessness. PNS Hangor under then Cdr Tasneem of Pakistan almost suffered this fate in 1971, after attacking INS Kuthar which Hangor’s torpedoes missed, but sunk INS Khukri with the loss of 168 souls. However the Captain of Hangor made an ingenious get away by daring to navigate in shallow waters, to escape the Indian Navy ships and submarines that were deployed off Diu. Nuclear submarines cannot do that in shallow waters.

Diesel submarines are warships of position, whereas nuclear submarines are vehicles of maneuver. Diesel subs are suited for small shallow seas with straits to block like the Malacca Straits and the Baltic hence Singapore has opted for small submarines, but when rapid movements over long ocean distances are required, nuclear propulsion is the desired choice and India must afford it. A conventional boat needs to be in the vicinity of its target . A nuclear boat can be dispatched to intercept or can track and attack when ordered. The sinking of the Argentinean’s cruiser General Belgrano in the Falklands war is the most recent demonstration of the capability when HMS Conqueror which was dispatched at full speed for 8000miles submerged all the way. Went and intercepted the Argentinean Navy’s cruiser. No conventional submarines could have achieved this feat and bottled up the whole Argentinean fleet. Unlike the diesel electric boats, which have to surface to recharge batteries about 20 percent of their time at sea, the nuclear submarine does not have to come up and surface and then effectively broadcast its position with noisy engines for sonars to detect it. The motto of nuclear submarines is ‘Run Deep, Run Silent, Run Long’.

The diesel–electric submarine can be a useful weapon provided it can get to the right place at the right time. Conversely a nuclear powered boat, which can stay submerged indefinitely run at high speeds indefinitely, has enormous flexibility. A nuclear powered boat running silent , fast and deep can be switched very quickly from, for example , a wartime role of barrier patrol against hostile submarine in a specific area to convoy escort ships across an ocean, or land saboteurs secretly.

In its frequent surfacing, the diesel- electric submarine is highly vulnerable to visual, acoustic and radar detection and thus open to attack by other submarines, aircraft and surface ships. The nuclear boat’s reactor also produces much more electrical power than diesel electric submarines and makes its ‘pear shaped hull’ possible to operate at much higher speeds for its highly powered sonar detection systems , provide more oxygen re-generation and unlimited water supply. The mere threat of a nuclear powered submarine in an area inhibits an opponent and acts as a powerful deterrent. Very rigorous safety standards have to be followed by navies building and operating nuclear submarines and most have ensured nuclear accident free operations. The US Navy for example has used nuclear propulsion for more than 40 years and accumulated more than 3600 reactor years of operation.

CONCLUSION

The importance of nuclear propulsion and nuclear submarines needs publicity. Once the importance and inescapable need for nuclear submarines is accepted by India and the Indian Navy becomes confident and masters nuclear propulsion along the way, the nation’s Navy should be encouraged to think of nuclear propulsion for all its major naval warships of the future especially aircraft carriers that the Indian Navy is planning for the second decade of the 21st century. This will be a tribute to Drs Homi Bhabha, Homi Sethna and Raja Ramanna who showed the way. The cost of fossil fuel is set to rise exponentially and India which is a net importer of hydro carbons has to plan for alternate fuels and savings. Navies are large consumers of oil. The Government has maintained overt secrecy over all the equipment fitted in INS Arihant and kept a veil over the Indian designed and Indian built small nuclear reactor in the boat, which was a joint effort by BARC and Indian industry. Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh admitted that Indian industry has largely contributed to the building of INS Arihant and names of companies like Larsen& Toubro Ltd, Walchandnagar Industries Ltd, Bharat Heavy Elecriclas Ltd, Bharat Electronics Ltd, Tata Group and pump makers like Khosla and Kirloskar Pumps Ltd and some small suppliers and fabricators are known, but not their deeds. These need to be made public as it is reported two more larger Arihant class with modifications to take additional missiles is on the cards.

Note by Author: The writer Cmde (Retd) Ranjit B Rai had opportunity whilst at RN Staff College Greenwich London in 1974 to witness the operation and the fuel change procedure of Royal Navy’s mini training reactor called “Jason”, while undertaking a thesis on nuclear weapons. Such access needs to be provided to service officers at Kalpakam where AEC has set up a 40MW training reactor for the Indian Navy.

(Reproduced from India Defence Update ) Click For “About the Author“

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China’s 1st October (2009), National Day Parade loaded with military power on display has been commented upon by the Economist as, “The world has accepted that China is emerging as a great power; it is a pity that it still does not always act as one”, and goes on to say, ” for many Chinese, daily life remains a grim struggle, and their government rapacious, arbitrary and corrupt. Take that spectacular parade. What message was it meant to convey to an awestruck world? China is a huge, newly emerging force on the world scene. And it is unapologetically authoritarian, as were Japan and Prussia, whose rises in the late 19th century were hardly trouble-free.”

In recent years, a number of analysts have drawn attention to the similarities of nationalism between the rise of modern China and the rise of Wilhelmine Germany a century ago. Newsweek’s Fareed Zakaria, commented that “like Germany in the late 19th century, China is also growing rapidly but uncertainly into a global system in which it feels it deserves more attention and honor. The Chinese military is a powerful political player, as was the Prussian officer corps. Like Wilhelmine Germany, the Chinese regime is trying to hold on to political power even as it unleashes forces in society that make its control increasingly shaky.”

This is where India, and Indian Ocean come in. The strategic thinker Mahan had prophesied that the future of the world in the 21st Century would be decided on the waters of the Indian Ocean and India’s expansion of its maritime power and Navy and inroads in to the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) is very much on China’s radar. A US researcher from Boston Consulting had coined China’s investment in ports like Gwadar in Pakistan, Hambantota in Sri Lanka, Sittwe in Mynmar and Chittagong in Bangla Desh as a ‘String of Pearls’ to encircle India, noting the pearls in the string can be increased, and China made overtures to lease an island in the Seychelles, which India appears to have thwarted.

The recent India- China sparring match on intrusions on the border, issuance of visas on separate paper arbitrarily by the Chinese Embassy to Kashmiris, and India’s service chiefs commenting on India’s order of battle (ORBAT) vis a vis China seems to be the flavor of the times, and needs to be introspected. The sparring had actually begun earlier, with the Chinese Ambassador’s orchestrated claims on Arunachal and Tawang, and China’s strong objections in the ADB forum to block India’s developmental loan.

In 2006 Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh speaking at the Commander’s conference , had made a policy statement when he stated, “India’s growing international stature gives it strategic relevance in the area ranging from the Persian Gulf to the Straits of Malacca …..India has exploited the fluidities of the emerging world order to forge new links through a combination of diplomatic repositioning, economic resurgence and military firmness”. Many dubbed this as India’s ‘Singh Doctrine’, and China took note of this.

In May 2009 at the Shangri ‘la Dialogue in Singapore, the Chief of Naval Staff Admiral Sureesh Mehta (now Retired) confirmed the role of the Indian Navy in the Indian Ocean in his key note address as, “We see the Indian Navy as a significant stabilising force in the Indian Ocean region, which safeguards traffic bound not only for our own ports, but also the flow of hydrocarbons and strategically important cargo to and from the rest of the world across the strategic waterways close to our shores…..And so, the safety of SLOCS will always remain a priority for India in the foreseeable future.”.

Chinese researchers have taken up the gauntlet to staunchly defend China’s String of Pearls, as small change to developing countries, since it claims India has built its ports with ADB and World bank loans, which these countries find difficult to come by. Chinese naval analyst Zhang Ming recently proclaimed that the Islands of India’s Andaman and Nicobar Archipelago could be used as a ‘metal chain’ to block Chinese access to the Straits of Malacca, and argued that India is building an ‘Iron Curtain’ in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), and ganging up with USA, Japan and Australia in what is called the Quad. The Japanese used the Andaman and Nicobar islands in the second world war as airfields for launching strikes, and are strategically located.

It is less publicised or talked about, yet the Chinese cite that in the last two decades India has stealthily strengthened its involvement in the IOR which includes the islands of Mauritius, Maldives, Seychelles, Madagascar and Zanzibar and the rim states of South Africa, Tanzania and Mozambique by very deft moves in foreign policy, economic sops like the double taxation exemption with Mauritius, and military inroads. Recently Defence Minister AK Antony visited Maldives and has promised to set up a radar chain for the country. This is the classical strategy of gaining influence by conjoining economic power and perks, with military diplomacy called ‘Showing the Flag’, so well perfected by larger maritime naval powers in the past. In recent times the Indian Navy has generously transferred offshore naval patrol vessels, provided staff and training and refit facilities and most importantly provided free and subsidised naval hydrographic support to the island nations of the IOR, which steps have left strategic imprints.

The Indian Navy has a very sophisticated hydrographic branch with 8 large well equipped survey ships, many survey craft, a large electronic chart production centre in Dehra Dun and a world class hydrographic school at Goa which trains several foreign naval and civilian personnel annually. Much funding for the Navy’s survey vessels has been contributed by the Ministry of Shipping, which allowed easier induction of latest equipment, and a swifter procurement route than the cumbersome MOD’s DPP-08. As a silent strategic arm of the nation the Navy’s hydrographic branch has made forays in the IOR to undertake over a dozen survey assignments for island nations and recently executed surveys in Oman, and now is set to assist Saudi Arabia, for which an MOU has been signed. These successes have almost blocked out the more expensive western navies that had provided essentially needed hydrographic support to the island nations with large coast lines and EEZ in the past.

The Indian Ocean holds immense significance for India’s development in the 21st century and the Chatham House paper states, “India’s strategy is deepening not only commercially but due to concerns over its security and hegemony in the region, which are underpinned by India’s Maritime Doctrine.” The Chinese look at Indian Navy’s gathering of 28 IOR Naval Chiefs including France, as a riparian state, under one roof at Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS) in February 2008 in New Delhi and Goa for a retreat, as ganging up. The next IONS is being hosted by the UAE in March 2010 and Rear Admiral Ahmed Mohammed Al Sabab Chief of the UAE Navy and a graduate of the Pakistan Naval Acadmey who visited India in 2009, and will take over the Chairmanship. The preparatory meeting was held in Mombasa from 1st October, 2009.

The India Brazil South Africa(IBSA) grouping which was designed for commercial links, provision of energy and other resources from Africa is viewed by China as another grouping. In recent times China has taken the lead in what is seen as its ‘Scramble for Africas’for resources, earlier made famous in a book by that title by Thomas Pakenham. India’s maritime military strategy and the Navy’s Maritime doctrine, both issued by the Indian Navy are clear on the Navy’s responsibility for security support in region. The outgoing Chief of Naval Staff Admiral Sureesh Mehta made this amply clear at the Shangri’la dialogue stating, “Concerted efforts at capability enhancement and capacity building of the smaller countries of the region(IOR), through active assistance of larger neighbours, would be crucial to such efforts in the long term”.

In this endeavour, India has a special relationship with Mauritius, a fulcrum island state because of its strong Indian diaspora and instituted a favourable taxation treaty that makes it India’s largest offshore investor. The Indian Navy set up the Mauritius Coast Guard in the 70s and provided ships and personnel. Mauritius has close security coordination with India, and Chinese and Pakistan activities in the IOR are closely monitored by India’s intelligence. The India-China competition to seek influence in the region is set to intensify as China’s cheque book diplomacy currently finds favour in small African states and in Sudan and Zimbabwe. Deng’s philosophy of ‘ the colour of the cat does not matter as long as it catches rats’, is still relevant.

When the IOR-ARC, the Arrangement for Regional Cooperation was formed Mauritius, Madagascar and Mozambique supported India’s move to block Pakistan’s membership and later China’s access to IBSA, though Pakistan is a full member of IONS. The Indian Navy has also made in roads to gain over flying and berthing rights in Oman which holds a strategic position especially for the fight against piracy off the Gulf of Aden, and from where India can closely monitors the SLOCs of Hormuz and Aden. India has signed to provide piracy patrols to Mozambique and it was also reported India has established a listening post in Madagascar in 2007. Chinese highlight these issues.

India’s maritime swath is from Aden, the Straits of Hormuz to the Strait of Malacca as a region of its watch, and Mahan appears to have seen the coming importance of this region which provides 70% of the world’s hydro carbons. K Santhanam former Director of the Institute of Defence Studies and Analysis(IDSA) and one of the architects of India’s nuclear programme as the Project Director of India’s 1998 nuclear blasts, with a back ground in intelligence and nuclear science, has coined the C3I theory for India- China relations and needs heeding. He is convinced India and China will seek cooperation as China has become India’s largest trade partner totting up $ 40 bill, and yet will always be in competition for markets and influence, and in the future confrontation cannot be ruled out if both nations’ interests clash. This writer feels the world has to be prepared for that contingency as nation’s juggle to balance China and India, both growing economic powers, in their overall relations. In this matrix Santhanam avers Intelligence which includes cyber warfare will play a major role to ensure which nation succeeds better to gain influence, hence Santhanam’s C3I theory of cooperation, competition and possible confrontation is eye opening for strategic gazers of the scenario. In this matrix the China- Pakistan nexus and the future of Afghanistan where India has interests is also a muddied by military operations against the Taliban and Al Queda.

China also has a ‘Malacca Dilemma’, and contributes generously to the Tripartite Technical Expert Group (TTEG) of Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore that control the Malacca Straits. India too has contributed $ 1.2 million as a response, and advanced $ 774,000 to TTEG on 31st March, 2009. What has irked the Chinese is the Indian Navy’s offer to survey wrecks in the Malacca Straits which has been accepted by the TTEG . India looks at hydrographic assistance as a cooperative measure, while China sees this as strategic move by India by its hydrographic prowess, which has notched up successes.

The Chinese and Indian swords are sheathed for the time being, but could be out and India has to be prepared for the String of Pearls vs the Iron Curtain debate in what Santhnam has coined as C3I, for it was Chi Haotin who had said, “Indian Ocean is not India’s Ocean”. As the Chinese say never dig a spear in to the Dragon’s eye. India will have to cope, and add a C to the C3I. Both nations have internal challenges of rampant poverty, and it is also been said, India is like boiling water. Steam and froth on top but rather calm below. China is like boiling oil, calm above but violent and seething below. If and when an eruption does takes place in any nation, it could be violent. The jury is still not out whether the Chinese top down approach is superior to India’s rather slower, democratic and consensual approach.

( Adapted from article by author which was published in Naval Review UK) (Reproduced from India Defence Update ) Click For “About the Author“

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“Satellite Communications is at the heart of Indian Navy’s vision of future net centric operations in our area of interest…..From the operational perspective, satellite communications network ushers in transformational changes ……and allows for real time information exchange in voice, video data etc which is quite unreliable in HF Communications systems”. (2010). Admiral Nirmal Verma Chief of Naval Staff Indian Navy a Communications Specialist and Graduate of the Royal Naval Staff College UK and US Naval War College Rhode Island.

PREAMBLE

India’s meager investments in space and nuclear programmes soon after Independence in 1947 were initiated by pioneering Cambridge educated scientists, Drs Homi Bhaba and Vikram Sarabhai under Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru who was himself educated in UK at Harrow and Cambridge. India’s space and nuclear programmes were civilian led, but incorporated military objectives, which were never articulated. Homi Bhabha forged friendships with the likes of Niels Bohr, Wolfgang Pauli, and Enrico Fermi and is credited to be the father of India’s nuclear programme. The charge of ministries of space and nuclear, were always held by Prime Ministers and generously funded from the powerful PM’s office (PMO). A unique method of funding, working and auditing, was employed where no one entity was aware of the whole picture. This allowed Indian scientists the liberty to pursue variegated programmes without interference and enabled Indian leaders to feign ‘Plausible Denial’, about India’s nuclear bomb preparations, a term made coinage by President Ronald Regan, during the Iran-Contra scandal. In 1974 Mrs Indira Gandhi made sure India’s nuclear explosion at Pokhran was dubbed a ‘peaceful nuclear explosion(PNE)’.

As a senior scientist put the system in perspective, “while all Government organizations in India have worked in a bureaucratic top down system from New Delhi, India’s space research organization (ISRO) and Department of Atomic Energy (DAE) headquartered at Bangalore and Bombay respectively, remained away from the capital, and worked on a freewheeling bottom up approach. This is why we produced the nuclear bomb in secrecy, and India’s space, nuclear power and nuclear medical programmes, can now hold their own with leading nations of the world. India is now forging ahead in both spheres, thanks also, to the recent US-India nuclear deal sponsored by President Bush which allows India to reprocess USA’s spent fuel, and the NSG clearances and lifting of sanctions”.

Today civil space applications are benefiting India, in spatial Geographic Information Systems-GIS, as GIS integrates hardware, software, and data for capturing, analyzing, and displaying all forms of geographically referenced information. The cycle allows decision makers and Indian military commanders to pictorially view, plan, interpret, and visualize data in ways that reveal intelligence like never before. GIS technology is being integrated into the Indian military framework, and a land based secure digital and fibre optic and space based Defence Communication Network (DCN) is being set up, for the Armed Forces and India’s national security needs. India’s Telecom ministry has also accepted the armed forces demand that one slot of pan-India wireless broadband airwaves be reserved for it, and private mobile operator Reliance has offered WIMAX service when operational, which will assist the military to connect to the last mile in the mountains and forests. Advances in space are also noteworthy.

Continued on page 2

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Maj Gen Harkirat Singh was the Commander of the Indian Forces who was hurriedly airlifted by the IAF in to India’s war torn neighbour Sri Lanka on the night of 29/30th July of 1987 with his 54 Infantry Division and its three rapid reaction Brigades from Hyderabad, with out the heavy artillery equipment, adequate ammunition and support arms, specifically for peace keeping. The troops carried tourist maps and a sketchy Ops order which was still being finalized in the Army Operations room, extracted from the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement To Establish Peace and Normalcy In Sri Lanka. Two days earlier on the evening of 27th July, LTTE leader Pirabakaran and his entourage were airlifted from the jungles of Vavuniya by IAF helicopters to Palaly airfield and seen off by Hardeep Puri of the Indian mission in Sri Lanka. They were brought to Palam IAF station New Delhi by a special Avro-748 and Pirabakaran insisted on a stop over in Madras to meet MG Ramachandran, the then Tamil Nadu AIADMK Chief Minister which was agreed to by the Government, while airborne. The IAF maintained excellent communications with the helicopters and the Avro-748. Captain B K Gupta India’s Defence Adviser in the mission in Colombo accompanied the entourage and Prabhakaran’s aide had asked him to remain close to Prabhakaran at all times, and warned Gupta that if any thing untoward happened to Prabhakaran, Gupta’s family would be in jeopardy in Colombo. However MEA Joint Secretary Sahadev dealing with Sri Lanka in South Block and his deputy took over in Delhi, and informed Gupta his services were no longer required. The entourage were housed in Ashoka Hotel and met PM Rajiv Gandhi on 28th July.

Little is publicly known or written about the ‘one to one discussions’ the two leaders had, but the Punjab insurgency was still breathing hard, the Bofor gun had started smoking in New Delhi and Rajiv was under media pressure to come out in the open, with a statement. A diversion was called for. Late Anton Balasingham and other writings on the period claim that Prabhakaran was assured some form of Eelam (Independence) for the Sri Lankan Tamils in the North East. It is possible some deal was struck with Prabhakaran by Rajiv Gandhi, whom writers have labeled the “Young Fox” who was out witted by President Jayawardene the “Old Fox”, by inviting India to solve Sri Lanka’s ethnic problem. Prabhakaran and his team stayed on in Delhi while Rajiv Gandhi hurriedly proceeded to Colombo.

The Indo Sri Lankan accord was signed on the 29th July itself between PM Rajiv Gandhi and President J R Jayawardene in Colombo. A naval Sinhalese rating Vijamuni Vijithua Rohana de Silva who had lined up in the Sri Lankan guard of honour had attempted to mortally harm Rajiv Gandhi with the butt of his rifle. T N Seshan had luckily deflected the blow and Rajiv Gandhi dexterously ducked. In his voluminous book Assignment Colombo, late Ambassador J N( Mani) Dixit takes credit for negotiating and drafting the accord as he had close post prandial ‘Brandy Sharing’, relationship and direct access to the wily Jayawardene and also to Rajiv Gandhi. On that same day the Chairman Chiefs of Staff Committee Admiral R H Tahiliani was in Moscow, but the Navy had anticipated troop movements as 54 Div had been kept on 6 hour notice, and Maj Gen Harkirat Singh was seen in New Delhi. The Navy kept all operational ships ready at short notice off Chennai and Vishakaptanam, embark troops. COAS Gen Krishnaswamy Sundarji was camped in the Army Operations Room in South Block and directed the operations.

Gen K Sundarji and his able Military Assistant then Lt Col and later Lt Gen Shammi Mehta, presently DG of Confederation of Indian Industries, and Army Staff drafted a longish personal message from the Chief of Army Staff titled, ‘COAS Order of he Day’, to be read out to all troops proceeding from Secunderabad. In the message the Army Chief reiterated the long and glorious history of the humane Indian Army in peace keeping, and asked his troops to treat all especially women with respect, and bring about peace in war torn Sri Lanka and execute the Accord to ameliorate the ethnic problem and resultant conflict between the Tamils and the Sinhalese. Lt Gen Dipender Singh GOC-In-C Southern Command in Pune was nominated the Overall Force Commander OFC and late Lt Gen BC Joshi was the DGMO in Delhi who handled day to day affairs. Naval command was exercised from Vishakapatnam and Air Force from Trivandrum. This was a cumbersome way to conduct India’s first Joint Operation but no conflict situation was envisaged.. This writer was witness to the fast moving events that day. It reminded one of the famous reply which President Gen Eisenhower is supposed to have made when he was asked by media in his Oval Office if he had served under Gen MacArthur in the Phillipines as a Major. Eisenhower replied, ” I do not know if I served under MacArthur, but I was certainly part of his dramatic team in the Phillipines”. In Operation Pawan, many books have been written and all indicate there was sense of drama in this operation and both Rajiv Gandhi and Arun Singh took part actively with Gen K Sundarji and High Commissioner J N Dixit. There were no detailed operational plans for contingencies drawn up by the staff, and there was no logistic planning so essential for an out of country operation. Gen K Sundarji treated the operation like a short term activity of peace keeping and when he found the going got tough, he thought he could tame the LTTE boys, with India’s military might. It was not to be . Harkirat’s book brings that out very vividly, as RAW and Sri Lankan leaders played truant.

In the words of Gen Harkirat Singh “We had walked in with threadbare information, the kind that is available to tourists. There were no maps available. Finally we obtained some with help from the Sri Lankan Northern Army Command. Prior to the signing of the Indo-Sri Lankan Accord, the Indian government had given certain assurances of financial and material assistance to the LTTE. From the time I landed in Sri Lanka, I constantly reminded the OFC to find out the gist of these assurances as I was responsible for implementing the Accord on the ground. And I wanted the immediate nomination of an agency to monitor the issues specified in the assurances so that responsibilities were clear-cut. Some time in August 1987, the LTTE gave me to understand that Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi had assured Pirabakaran on 28 July 1987 that India would make up the amount required to meet the expenses of his cadres. Also, that the President of Sri Lanka would agree to the formation of an interim administration. And finally, that India would protect the interest of the LTTE till their aspirations were met. But initially, since HQ, OFC did not know the details of the assurances that Rajiv Gandhi had given Prabhakaran, we were unable to explain our stance to the LTTE”. This reflects the dilemma of the Army Commander on the ground in dealing with Prabhakaran who was the unparalleled Leader of the Tamils in the North and possessed guile. From Harkirat’s book and all writings there is also no doubt that RAW ran the writ of the India’s policy India in Sri Lanka during that period, as they controlled the funds. RAW operations have been written about including the details of a senior officer Kunnikrishnan dealing with Sri Lanka who was befriended by a CIA planted Pan Am air hostess, who extracted much information on India’s plans. Kunnikrishnan was indicted. In recent days the funding aspects of R&AW have come in to criticism in the public domain by revelations in two books by B Raman and Maj Gen V K Singh of the R&AW.

In Harkirat’s words on command and control, Dixit said to him of the LTTE, “General, please ensure that the actions of the IPKF are in line with my discussions with the Prime minister at Delhi. You should adopt a posture of gradual change from negotiations to coercion. The junior commanders during their contact should ascertain the views of the Tamils on the above approach”. He adds, ” The LTTE informed me that RAW continued to rearm and train 150 militants belonging to the ENDLF group in the Killinochchi area”. Another critical extract from the book. ” The date set for the meeting to be held at my headquarters at Palaly and chaired by J. N. Dixit, the Indian High Commissioner, was 16-17 September 1987. On the night of 14/15 September 1987, I received a telephone call from Dixit, directing me to arrest or shoot Prabhakaran when he came for the meeting. Telling Dixit that I would get back to him I placed a call to the OFC. Lt. Gen. Depinder Singh directed me to tell Dixit that we, as an orthodox Army, did not shoot people in the back when they were coming for a meeting under the white flag. I then spoke to Dixit in Colombo and conveyed the message emphasizing that I would not obey his directive. I pointed out that the LTTE Supremo had been invited by the IPKF in order to find a solution to the problem of the implementation of the Accord. Dixit replied ‘He ( Rajiv Gandhi) has given these instructions to me and the Army should not drag its feet, and you the GOC, IPKF will be responsible for it”. This order should have come from the Military Chain of Command and if had been implemented history may have been different. The Army may have saved 1100 souls and spared more from being maimed and the debate whether it would have been ethical can now begin, as Harkirat writes, “It was probably this incident that led Dixit to reportedly write to the Government of India on 19 September 1987 that the IPKF was totally unprepared for the task at hand. He also alleged that IPKF commanders were showing extraordinary deference to Prabhakaran ‘even saluting him’ and finally he stated that a disastrous situation might develop if GOC 54 Division was not changed”.

Finally Harkirat explains when the Indian Army went to war with the LTTE , “On 8 October1987, Gen. Sundarji visited IPKF Headquarters at Palaly and ordered me to adopt the hard option against the LTTE. The IPKF from being a peacekeeper had to suddenly adopt an offensive stance. At this point the area in which 54 Infantry Division was operating was vast; it was deployed over some 540 km, from north to south and east to west in Sri Lanka”. Maj Gen Harkirat’s book may also explain why the Indian Army was humiliated, and the LTTE plotted and killed India’s young aspiring leader Rajiv Gandhi, in whom many Indians had placed great hopes.

(Reproduced from Authors website) Click For “About the Author“

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